WHEN his prime minister, Maung Maung Kha, visited Singapore in September 1986, I tried to interest him in tourism, telling him of an article Ihad read in the Singapore American (a publication of our American community), in which two teachers from the American School described their visit to Rangoon, Mandalay and Pagan. They had hitchhiked for part of the journey and found it a fascinating adventure. I suggested that he open up Burma, build hotels and get safe aircraft to fly from Rangoon to Mandalay and Pagan. He would get large numbers of tourists and considerable revenue. He listened quietly but said little. Nothing happened. Ne Win did not want foreigners in Burma.
Only in 1993, when Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, one of their key leaders, saw me in Singapore did I find a leader who was responsive, probably because Ne Win had had a change of heart. Ne Win must have told him that I was an old friend because he listened quietly as I explained that Myanmar had to adjust to the post-Cold War world, open up its economy and develop the whole country. I pointed to China and Vietnam, two examples of former closed countries that were developing their tourism and inviting foreign investors to create jobs and wealth.
Khin Nyunt was then in charge of intelligence and the strongman of the junta or SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council). I asked him to reconsider his policy towards Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of Burma's hero and first prime minister, Aung San. She had married an Englishman but had returned to Myanmar to lead a movement against the military government. They could not lock her up forever; she would be a continuing embarrassment to their government.
Myanmar had to improve the lives of the people, coopt capable people with experience abroad into the government. A government of military officers could never get the economy going. I suggested he should make it possible for Singapore to engage and help Myanmar economically. Singapore could defend its position internationally, if this engagement was to help Myanmar return to normalcy, not to maintain the present system. My note-taker, a ministry of foreign affairs desk officer for Myanmar, was fearful that he would react strongly and was surprised when, at the end of the discussion, he thanked me for my "valuable opinion".
When General Than Shwe, the Myanmar prime minister and chairman of SLORC, visited Singapore in June 1995, I suggested that he visit Indonesia to learn how it had changed from a military leadership, with General Suharto in charge, to an elected presidency. The Indonesian constitution gave the army a direct role in government, with representation in the legislature under a system called dwi-fungsi (two functions). The Indonesian army had a constitutional role in ensuring the security and integrity of the country. Elections for the president and the legislature were held every five years. Myanmar had to go in that direction if it wanted to be like the other countries in Southeast Asia.
(to be continued)
source: from third world to first - the Singapore story : 1965-2000
Only in 1993, when Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, one of their key leaders, saw me in Singapore did I find a leader who was responsive, probably because Ne Win had had a change of heart. Ne Win must have told him that I was an old friend because he listened quietly as I explained that Myanmar had to adjust to the post-Cold War world, open up its economy and develop the whole country. I pointed to China and Vietnam, two examples of former closed countries that were developing their tourism and inviting foreign investors to create jobs and wealth.
Khin Nyunt was then in charge of intelligence and the strongman of the junta or SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council). I asked him to reconsider his policy towards Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of Burma's hero and first prime minister, Aung San. She had married an Englishman but had returned to Myanmar to lead a movement against the military government. They could not lock her up forever; she would be a continuing embarrassment to their government.
Myanmar had to improve the lives of the people, coopt capable people with experience abroad into the government. A government of military officers could never get the economy going. I suggested he should make it possible for Singapore to engage and help Myanmar economically. Singapore could defend its position internationally, if this engagement was to help Myanmar return to normalcy, not to maintain the present system. My note-taker, a ministry of foreign affairs desk officer for Myanmar, was fearful that he would react strongly and was surprised when, at the end of the discussion, he thanked me for my "valuable opinion".
When General Than Shwe, the Myanmar prime minister and chairman of SLORC, visited Singapore in June 1995, I suggested that he visit Indonesia to learn how it had changed from a military leadership, with General Suharto in charge, to an elected presidency. The Indonesian constitution gave the army a direct role in government, with representation in the legislature under a system called dwi-fungsi (two functions). The Indonesian army had a constitutional role in ensuring the security and integrity of the country. Elections for the president and the legislature were held every five years. Myanmar had to go in that direction if it wanted to be like the other countries in Southeast Asia.
(to be continued)
source: from third world to first - the Singapore story : 1965-2000
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